In mid-January, Nepali Congress underwent a massive transformation. This rapid shift was so intense it even cast doubt on whether the elections scheduled for March 5 would proceed. However, after a brief period of uncertainty, the party found its footing, and the clouds looming over the election schedule finally cleared.
Leading this change, Gagan Thapa became the President of Nepali Congress through the Special General Convention. Upon taking command, Thapa distributed tickets for all 165 direct constituencies in a single day and moved his own candidacy from his long-time stronghold, Kathmandu-4, to Sarlahi-4.
Having arrived in his new constituency on January 26, how is Thapa steering his campaign? How is he managing the party under these changed circumstances, and can Nepali Congress secure a victory? The Nepalkhabar Election Express team talked to President Gagan Thapa in Dhankaul, Sarlahi, on Monday night for his views. Excerpts:
You won Kathmandu-4 three times. As the new Party President and a projected prime ministerial candidate, why risk moving to Sarlahi-4?
I believe leaders must evolve; staying in one place for too long stunts growth. While Kathmandu was comfortable, I have long felt that the Madhesh—our party’s traditional heartland—needs a revival. If Congress strengthens in the Madhesh, it strengthens across Nepal. After traveling the Postal Highway last year, I committed to connecting with this soil. This isn't a random choice; it's a commitment to our base.
Sarlahi-4 has a history of "rebel" voters and strong independent candidates. Do you see a high risk here?
I never treat an election as "safe." Whether I am leading by a massive margin or a few votes, I work with the same intensity. Risk is a constant, and ignoring it is an insult to the voters. Many local candidates here were once part of the Congress family. I am not here as a tourist; I am here to identify with the people, learn their names, and understand their specific struggles. I trust the voters will value that sincerity.
What specific plans do you have for the deep-rooted issues of agriculture, education, and health in this region?
The problems vary between the north and south of the district. Public education is in crisis, with high dropout rates and a lack of math and science teachers. Health access is so poor that locals must travel to Kathmandu or India for basic care. My team is currently collecting specific data to create a "booklet of solutions." We want to restore Sarlahi's reputation as a "Mini Punjab" through systematic irrigation and agricultural reform.
You took over the party during a period of extreme internal conflict. Was the candidate selection process as fair as you intended?
To be honest, it wasn't perfect. On Jan 15, we were General Secretaries; by the afternoon, we were expelled; by evening, I was President. We faced legal battles and a 24-hour deadline to finalize 165 candidates. In that chaos, some injustice likely occurred. If we had more time for dialogue with provincial heads, the list might have looked different. However, I view everyone on the ticket—regardless of whose "camp" they were in—as my teammates.
With new parties rising, how does the "old" Congress remain relevant in this election?
Ironically, Congress is currently the "newest" party because we just underwent a radical transformation driven by the spirit of the younger generation (Gen Z). We aren't just an old institution; we are a reformed power that listens to the streets. Our challenge is communicating this renewal to the grassroots. If we stay united until the election, our victory is certain.
Other parties are campaigning on anger and disruption. What is the core message of your manifesto?
Some want to keep everything as it is; others want to tear everything down. Congress is the "September 10th" power—the force that stabilizes. In 2006, we bridged the gap between the state and Maoist rebels; later, we bridged the divide between the Hills and the Madhesh. Today, we bridge the gap between the old and the new. We promise a government free of corruption and misrule, not through destruction, but through responsible, inclusive reform.
In this election, a new practice has emerged: Congress, UML, and RSP have all declared their prime ministerial candidates ahead of the polls. As a PM candidate yourself, how do you view this shift?
This practice is becoming increasingly common in parliamentary systems globally. Take India, for example; they have long designated PM candidates before elections despite not having a directly elected executive. Experts suggest the parliamentary system is shifting toward a "presidential format" worldwide, so this isn't entirely new.
In the Nepali context, it was often understood implicitly—previously, a UML win meant KP Oli, and a Congress win meant Sher Bahadur Deuba. Historically, we did this in 1959 with BP Koirala and again in 1999. While not a radical departure for our party, the fact that all major parties are now formally adopting this practice marks a significant evolution in Nepal's democratic exercise.
Candidates are in the field with tickets signed by Sher Bahadur Deuba for proportional representation and by you for direct elections. The math for the parliamentary party leader will likely follow that divide. In such a situation, how practical is it for you to project yourself as the prime ministerial candidate right now?
I believe all party members belong to the same family. Had I chosen to think differently upon taking office, I could have easily gone to the Election Commission to reshuffle the candidate rankings. Some colleagues even advised me to do so. However, I felt that since we had already submitted and made the list public, it wouldn't be right for a new President to start demoting or promoting people arbitrarily.
I told the candidates not to feel vulnerable or think they belong to one "camp" or another. Rather than worrying about who signed their ticket, I want them to know that I view everyone as our own. I have faith that we are all united as one team.
The upcoming election seems to be a battle between the narratives of September 8 and September 9. While RSP focuses on September 8th and UML on September 9th, which side does NC take?
I wouldn’t frame it that way. Was Nepal doing well on September 7? No. If it were, the events of the 8 would never have occurred. You say some represent the 8 and others the 9, but the country needs a force that represents September 10. That force is Nepali Congress.
"September 10" means recognizing the failures of the 7 and the mistakes of the 9. It means respecting the public sentiment of the 9th while rejecting its destructive methods. Whether it is threats to burn down Singha Durbar or private homes, violence and chaos are wrong. However, we must understand the underlying rage that demands accountable politics.
Nepal needs a steady hand. If you ask who we are, our answer is: we are the power that stabilizes Nepal. We will fix the current system. Some claim everything is fine as it is, while others want to tear everything down impulsively.
Look at who stands between these extremes. We don't need extremists; we need a force that heals, nurtures, and unites. Congress will gather everyone together, but this is not about maintaining the status quo. We must reform. Citizens took to the streets because they want freedom from corruption and misrule. We will deliver that justice while ensuring the nation remains held together.
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